The year 2025, now behind us, became a logical continuation of the events of 2020–2021, which served as a moment of revelation for a critical minority. As a result, societies have grown significantly more skeptical toward those in power, and trust in international institutions has noticeably declined.
Despite the painful nature of this process, it can be regarded as a positive sign after years of infantilization of Western societies and the post-communist space. Such skepticism is also beneficial for the authorities themselves, who must recognize that public trust cannot be earned by focusing exclusively on the interests of the super-class while ignoring the real concerns of the population.
At the same time, the geopolitical arena is witnessing the formation of a multipolar world. Ruling elites have entered a phase of reformatting traditional alliances and building new ones, while simultaneously working on the architecture of a new global administrative, economic, and financial order.
Since late 2023, following the dominance of the ultra-left agenda of neo-globalism, a social demand has emerged in many countries for a conservative turn, a return to common sense, and a partial restoration of traditional values. There has also been a demand for a sense of the triumph of truth—particularly regarding the pandemic—and for holding those responsible and those who initiated it to account.
In this context, the culmination of 2025 was the re-election of Donald Trump to a second presidential term in the United States. This event carried both symbolic and practical significance, signaling a consensus between industrial and techno-investment global elites and confirming The Economist’s thesis that “the center cannot hold.”
The essence of this consensus lay in the need to slow down certain elements and adapt others within the “Great Reset” plan launched by global leaders in June 2020 at the World Economic Forum in Davos under the cover of the pandemic. The plan was presented as a roadmap toward a new post-capitalist world order under the label of “inclusive capitalism.”
In short, the core of this new system lies in the establishment of corporatocracy through total digitalization and a social credit system. It is promoted by neo-globalists represented by the World Economic Forum, international financial institutions, UN agencies, and alliances of transnational corporations. The tools of this agenda include digital governance, ESG frameworks, climate policy, and mechanisms of pandemic preparedness.
Its defining features are the strengthening of supranational regulation, the weakening of national sovereignty, and the expansion of social control through technological solutions. A special role is played by plans to restrict private property and transition to a service model of “use without ownership.” Along with the erosion of private property and the destruction of the middle class, democracy as a political model is also being hollowed out.
After agreement was reached on the need to revise the Great Reset agenda at the end of 2023, 2024 saw a process of discarding the most toxic elements of the “new normal”: LGBT issues moved to the background, and pressure from the green and pandemic agendas weakened. At the end of 2024, Trump came to power under the slogans “Make America Great Again” and “Bring Back Common Sense,” aligning himself with parts of the deep state and technological industries.
Two key tasks were set before the “Trump 2.0” alliance.
First, as the leader of the hegemonic country, Trump was effectively authorized to act as a “bulldozer” for dismantling the old world order while advancing selected elements of the new one—digitalization, governance through big data, and technological centralization.
That is why one of the first steps after the inauguration was the announcement of the Stargate project by OpenAI, Oracle, and SoftBank—the largest AI infrastructure project, with investments totaling USD 500 billion over four years. At its presentation, Oracle CEO Larry Ellison openly stated that “smart” cameras should ensure good behavior in society.
Second, the “Trump 2.0” alliance took on the task of restoring public trust in government, which had been undermined in 2020–2021, and preparing the ground for a new social contract within the emerging post-Westphalian socio-economic system. This was reflected in an emphasis on domestic reforms, primarily in healthcare, implemented through the “Make America Healthy Again” program, which directly affects the interests of Big Pharma.
These reforms are also significant in a global context, as for the first time at the official level, conclusions from scientific research conducted over recent decades—previously suppressed by a technocratic system intertwined with the interests of the pharmaceutical industry to the detriment of public health—began to be voiced openly.
Today, the United States remains one of the most unhealthy nations among developed countries, and the Trump administration’s course toward improving public health strikes at the financial interests of major food and pharmaceutical corporations. In response, these corporations, allied with the left neo-globalist wing of the Democratic Party, are financing black PR campaigns against the reforms.
At the same time, a broader process of restructuring American institutions has begun. Over recent decades, many of them had evolved into mechanisms for reallocating budget resources toward sustaining the Democratic Party’s neo-globalist networks and personnel infrastructure. In this context, USAID — long viewed as a talent pipeline and career springboard linked to Democratic circles — was dismantled.
At the same time, “Trump 2.0” is already a different administration than in 2016. It has absorbed the continuation of the agenda of privatizing the state by transnational corporations, which constitutes the essence of “inclusive capitalism” and the Great Reset plan. It is no coincidence that Elon Musk, who calls himself a “hammer of justice” and acts as a “voice of the people,” has over recent years mirrored key theses of the Davos World Economic Forum agenda.
Thus, this is not a confrontation but rather the right and left wings of a single global agenda of “inclusive capitalism.” The “Trump 2.0” alliance is part of this consensus, adapting fragments of the Great Reset plan to specific countries and regions—specifically those elements that are critically important for building a social credit system through total digitalization.
This system is being constructed amid the diversion of public attention by pandemics, wars, media scandals, clownish spectacles, and informational noise. At the same time, there is virtually no broad public discussion in our societies about the risks that total digitalization poses to democracy, civil liberties, human rights, privacy, and the protection of personal data.
To be continued.
Aytan Gahramanova, PhD, a political scientist specializing in global processes, is the author of Inclusive Capitalism: Pandemic Preparedness and Green Transition as a Model of Global Governance.
